After a fairly long post on the recent Brockton Consultation, the question remains by what doctrinal standard shall the Continuing movement rally itself? Will it be a strict or nominal reading of the St. Louis Affirmation? What will be the status of the 39 Articles? Some traditionalists mistrust the Thirty-Nine Articles because they believe the Settlement comprehensive to puritanism and therefore unstable. Hardwick’s historical method instructs the proper reading of Articles precluding such worries.
When push comes to shove, either the Affirmation or Articles have to give way. A couple scenarios unfold regarding the Continuum’s future based on how the Affirmation is treated. If the Affirmation is read a nominal way, then the ACC will harden and isolate itself against this trend. However, APA or UEC might be able to take the lead, leaving a better possibility for a classical reading of the 39 Articles as well as eventual dialog with larger Anglicanism. If a strict reading of the Affirmation prevails, then the ACC will remain the center of a the Continuing movement, enforcing a rather rigid policy of ‘non-involvement’ or ecclesiastical embargo with lesser continuing churches against Lambeth related churches. This will resign the continuum to relative isolation and irrelevance.
In other words, a strict reading of the Affirmation cannot coexist with the grammatical one of the 39 Articles. This is why ACC lacks might be considered an orthodox Solemn Declaration. AB Haverland has said, again and again, the 39 articles have no normative authority in the ACC.
Robinson 2 Hardwick:
A couple years ago I contacted Bishop Robinson inquiring about UECNA standards, wanting to know their relative ranking. AB Robinson’s answer was surprising. Without hesitation he placed the 39 articles on top, then prayer book, and last Andrewes’ formula. I recall in between these major items Robinson provided other known documents like Homilies, canons, etc. However, the order of the first and last shocked me because it was not what I was accustomed within the Continuing church, namely, modern catholicism trumpeting particular formulae.
Furthermore, when it comes to embracing Anglican particulars, modern Anglicans usually prefer the Prayer Book over the Articles. This is likely a prejudice stemming from late-19th century liberal Catholicism which “dispersed” authority away from the confessional statements of the Settlement toward less definitive liturgical forms of Creed and Eucharist.
“A second commonly mentioned stylistic characteristic of Anglican identity is the fact that authority in Anglicanism is a dispersed authority. As delineated by a statement of bishops to the 1948 Lambeth Conference, authority is dispersed or distributed among Scripture, tradition, creeds, the ministry of the word and sacraments, the witness of the saints, and the consensus fidelium, liturgy being the crucible in which these elements of authority are unified. This notion of dispersed authority is important because depending on how highly these authorities are valued and how they are valued relative to one another, Anglicanism might be described in very different terms; this is especially true if Scripture is seen as only one among many dispersed authorities of equal importance and its normative authority thereby diminished.”
Liberal Catholicism tends to radicalize the ‘incarnation‘ by equating knowledge to mystical experience, sacramental union, and real presence. The trade off is when confronted by more systematic counter-reformation or certain tridentine dogma, Anglicanism has almost no rejoinder aside from a lipid and rearguard ‘comprehension’. It tends to buckle because it refuses to sort out its own contradictions. The Reverend Charles Erlandson explains,
“Stylistic definitions by their very nature also tend to be vague. For example, when the idea of comprehension is enlarged from meaning a comprehension of both Catholic and Protestant principles (a generally useful stylistic definition) to meaning the kind of comprehension or toleration in which contradictory ideas are all seen as true, then a common, clear identity becomes difficult to maintain, and clear norms are undermined.”
Worst, unbridled Incarnationalism opens-wide unbridled ‘experience’ as a dynamic source of doctrine, justifying “charismatic reception” or the ‘holy spirit’ acting often very differently from scripture or tradition. We might wonder if Christ’s incarnation wasn’t circumscribed by forms of humiliation, destined to the Cross, suffering under the law, etc.. Normally, incarnation is constrained by the moral law which dictates blood for sin. Consequently, revelation is likewise constrained by logos. Anyway, Robinson’s strong conviction in the articles even above BCP was refreshing because it didn’t strum to catholic mysticism.
If the Articles are given the kind of priority Robinson suggests, how should they be interpreted? I recently came across some advice that reminded me of this conversation while reading Hardwick’s History of the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, 2nd ed. (1863). First of all, Hardwick is not suggesting the Articles are a substitute for Catholic faith or in anyway pits the two against each other. Hardwick begins his book by assuring the intent of reformers was to restore primitive doctrine,
“They [reformers] did not wish to break away in a schismatic temper from the rest of Christendom, but only to extinguish the unlawful jurisdiction of the proud and bold usurper, and, by following in the footsteps of the primitive church, to rescue for their nation many a pure and evangelic element of faith, of feeling, and of ritual” (p. 10)
However, the articles of a national synod do not make them any less catholic:
“Nor in asserting this great principle of national independence did our legislators overstep the powers which had been claimed and exercised by the domestic synods of the best and purest ages. Till the founding and consolidation of the papal monarchy such bodies had been always held not only competent but morally responsible for the correction of all heresies and errors which sprang up in a particular Church.” p.4
The Articles provide a map through the enormities of the Roman church as well as the Radical reformation. They also rule out certain Swiss teachings more typical of Zwingli. However, the problem has been reading doctrine into the articles that is basically absent. Anglo-catholic critics have blamed ambiguities on the Articles’ comprehension on politics. This is a very fallacious accusation not usually challenged by reasoned systematic of the Settlement. However, Hardwick is aware of pitfalls. The Articles cannot be read in isolation. Hardwick suggests the following historical method of interpretation, and we should especially consider this if the Articles are to be given a priority:
“First, to weigh the history of Reformation movement in the midst of which the Articles had been produced.
Secondly, to read them in this light, approximating as far as possible to the particular point of view which had been occupied by all the leading compilers.
Thirdly, to interpret the language of the formulary in its plain and grammatical sense (i.e., the sense which it had borne in the Edwardine and Elizabethan periods of the church), bestowing on it ‘the just and favorable construction, which ought to be allowed to all human writings, especially such as are set forth by authority.
Fourthly, where the language of the Articles is vague, or where (as might have been expected of their history) we meet with a comparative silence in respect of any theological topic, to ascertain the fuller doctrine of the Church of England on that point, by reference to here other symbolic writings– the Prayer, Book, the Ordinal, the Homilies, and the Canons.
Fifthly, where these sources have been tried without arriving at explicit knowledge as to the intention of any article, to acquiesce in the deductions which the ‘the catholic doctors and ancient bishops’ have expressly gathered on that point from Holy Scripture; in accordance with the recommendation of the Canon of 1571, in which subscription to the present Articles had been enjoined upon the clergy.” p. 221
Comments:
An amazing feature of Hardwick’s canon is the regard for the Reformation period. It’s pure fiction to distance the protestantism of Anglican divines by treating them aloof from events on the continent. Hardwick does fairly well documenting the official conferences between held by Henry’s delegates with Lutherans. This occurred at an early phase of Article development and therefore left an indelible mark. The Henrician church sustained a special interest in Saxony:
“No one can deny that the compilers of the Forty-Two articles in the reign of Edward VI drew largely from the Lutheran formulary probable that such derivation, instead of being direct, took place entirely through the medium of the Anglo-German channel.” (p. 61)
Ironically, a study of Reformation churches provides the most powerful argument against calvinist influence since the bulk of the Articles predate the rise of Geneva. Thus, the late-Henrician and early-Edwardine become a reservoir for conservatism that Elizabeth and Stuarts would draw upon. Few traditional Anglicans take advantage of these histories because their assumption is Cranmer or the Tudors squarely appeased the ‘puritan’.
The 1625 Declaration warned Anglicans to read the Articles in their “plain and grammatical sense”. The grammatical approach, in addition to the intertextual comparison with other confessions, was another hedge against puritanism, “when they [supports of the Declaration] urged that ‘calvinism’ is not accordant with the letter of the articles, and cannot be deduced from them by any of the rules which judges commonly apply to the interpretation of a legal document” (p. 206).
The convenience of royal seal is usually lost upon Anglicans who are accustom to ‘free church’ where the faith of the Christian prince is suspect of flimflam or ‘compromise’. Hardwick recommends writings “especially such as are set forth by authority” deserve special attention. In the case of the Reformation church of England, being ‘set forth’ meant a document had royal approval. Authoritative texts are therefore easily recognized by royal warrant, the foremost being (in the order of their genesis) 39 Articles, canons, bible, ordinal, prayer book, and two books of homilies. Against our own prosperity, we flippantly disregard what nursing parents of old worked to establish in our church, namely, articles of belief for the sake of concord and quiet.
The last two points generally follow Frere’s Rule of Analogy. The prayer book is never taken alone but measured by both explicit and implicit texts. Explicit includes the faire mentioned above but also less recognized texts such as the homilies and canons. The homilies are really the next best thing to a national catechism, containing much practical and hortative material. Injunctions likewise shed light on certain theological points. Both the 1604 and 1640 canons provide surprisingly long rationale for bowing at the Name, reverencing altars, and crossings. It was often the case when prayer book revision was politically unfeasible corrections were made to rubric through canons. Many of the changes in the 1662 were put into the 1559 acts. A good example being the ornament’s rubric.
It is curious this St. Vincent’s rule or the allusion to the 1571 canon comes at the end as our final security when other means are less perceptible. The Affirmation also invokes the Vincentian canon. But the ACC understands this to include a wide swath of post-patristic tradition. Anglican divinity appears a bit more skeptical, limiting ‘reliable centuries‘ to undisputed ecumenical councils with little confidence beyond the seventh century. Later Anglo-catholics attempt to extend reliability well into the medieval period which tends to open questionable doors that undermine the very reason for the Articles. Consequently, the reformation applies the test of six centuries keeping whatever is ”consonant” with that period in the Western Church. For this reason Andrewes’ formula is usually more clear than St. Vincent’s.
Conclusion:
I’ve found this historical method to be fairly accurate. It is certainly is better than the ‘incarnation’ or ‘apostolic’ kind that liberal catholics prefer. This latter sorts is quick to discard the Settlement as peculiar, adopting minimalist ‘experiental’ Creedal approach that leaves huge gaps in Anglican theology against the counter-reformation, or is some cases radicalism, that is typically filled in by neo-marxism or Roman Catholicism.
Finally, the Affirmation vs. Solemn Declarations will eventually come to a head. Either the Affirmation’s take on sacraments will be read nominally or the 39 articles will become Tract 90. Historical method instructs us how the Book of Articles are read in order to preclude both Newman’s error and Puritan embellishment. Confidence in the Settlement is the gateway by which the rest of the Continuing movement might unfetter itself from intransigent aspects of St. Louis and thereby influence and inspire larger North American Anglicanism in a leaven-like fashion.









I think I have discussed this before, but it bears repeating. Knowingly or unknowingly, Newman’s thesis as given in Tract XC is derived from Christopher Davenport (Franciscus a Sancta Clara—no connection to Abraham in Vienna) per his book on the 39. This, by a 17th c RC writer, was intended to square the 39 with the Council of Trent. This is why serious scholars treat Tract XC and the Affirmation the way they do. They are aware of the RC antecedents of these documents.
Also, strictly speaking, the Articles, Prayer Book, Homilies have a certain equality in stature. All three formularies were drawn up by the same groups of men in their time. The 1549 and 1552 BCPs, the 42 Articles, the First Book by Cranmer and his fellows. The 1559 BCP, the 39 Articles, the Second Book by Parker, Jewell, and their fellows. There is a unity of thought and purpose here: The Articles as the theological expression, the Prayer Book as the liturgical and devotional expression, the Homilies as the pedagogical expression. All were intended by their framers to serve a united purpose. One does not come before the others.
One cannot legitimately argue a Calvinistic intent. The Puritans themselves and the Lambeth Articles and the matter of the Synod of Dort demonstrate otherwise. The Lutherans were not too happy about the Articles either. The RC demonstrated its lack of sympathy by action and document right on through the period—the Four Bishops, the excommunication of Great Eliza, and the Armada.
In +, Benton
Hi Benton,
I concur 100%. I had a bit of trouble in this post distinguishing rank vs. method. I believe in each case, standards cannot be read alone. Interpretation begins with immediate context. However, it’s interesting Hardwick wants us to start with the period of composition before author’s intent. I suppose divines like Cranmer were engaged in a running debate with continental counterparts. However, the full meaning of a formula isn’t grasped until we go through each step, finally considering the relation of approved texts with each other, and, last, in terms of (what Anglicans typically assume reliable) the first five centuries.
Excellent point on Lambeth. It’s pretty obvious our standards belie full-blown dortian calvinism. Lutherans would probably disagree with our more vague or spiritual (sacramentarian) view on the real presence. However, handling Lutherans is a bit tricky. You have to distinguish between gnesio- and Philipist. The Gnesio- literally burned the books of the sacramentarians and drove them out of Wittenberg.. At the time of Cranmer’s writings on the Lord’s Supper, he was most influenced by what we might call “bucerian” or the german-sacramentarian position. It turns out Parker would steer the final version of the 39 articles back in this direction, and we end up with something that is mid-way between the ‘official’ Lutheran and Calvinist convictions w/ respect to the eucharist. This is after 1562. During Henry’s reign we definitely have some serious disagreement with Lutherans over the eucharist and clerical celibacy as spelled out by the 1539 articles. However, these would soon give way after Henry’s passing. Of course, the second area of possible disagreement would be over the three-offices in our Ordinal.
Dear Colleague,
Whatever you write or think, it seems to me as a priest, or, Clerk in Holy Orders, within the Communion of the ACC, that our desire to retain the reformed measures achieved after the Reformation, in conjunction with a longing to retain the Revelation of Christ once made to the Saints, is the way forward. Recorded in Scripture and explained, Interpreted and Completed by the Fathers of the Seven Ecumenical Councils is the way necessary to retain our Catholic Beliefs. They, the Councils, (7) were the beliefs of Cramer and his fellow martyrs and it was expressed on a regular basis all through the 17th, Cent! 1537 The Bishops Book, 1543, The Kings Book, and in 1559, the Laity through an Act of Parliament. the Elizabethan ,Act of Supremacy all stated their faith in the Seven Councils. These were re-affirmed at the height of the Elizabethan Reformation with the Act, or Canons of 1571. Constantly through the ages there has been restatement after restatement by individuals, BishopHall, Laud, Taylor and Bramhall to name but a few.
Kidd in his 39 Articles calls for the Articles to be read through the prism of the Seven Councils which seems to be the catholic and reformed view! It is certainly the only one which I agree with. I joined the Anglican Catholic Church because of all the offers to Anglicans that were made, Rome, Orthodoxy and the various Anglican Sects, it was the ACC, that sought to preserve and further the ancient Anglican doctrines through both traditional sources and through the English Reformation. Your continual undermining of traditional teaching is regrettable, even though honestly felt.
Hello James,
I was confirmed in UEC and presently worship in a former-APA jurisdiction that benefits from REC auspices. The APA was the first of the “Continuing Churches”. We are the only St. Louis jurisdiction presently inside ACNA, and therefore truly obedient to the Affirmation’s section V. We also continue under the old APA’s Solemn Declaration that keeps “the spirit of the Affirmation of St. Louis of 1977″. I italicized “spirit” because the Affirmation and 39 articles can’t be equally maintained without equivocating or modifying one of the two. Here’s my actually criticism of the St. Louis. Let me know what you think.
The rest of the Affirmation is either very good or very forgivable. However, the section on sacraments vs. Article 25 are impossible to mesh in any honest way. Moreover, every exposition I’ve read on the sacraments, including Bicknell, which Haverland says is authoritative in the ACC, says the enumeration of “seven” sacraments is not ancient but a medieval development, so I’m not sure what ancient faith you’re talking about. While it’s largely an issue of how we define the term, the Affirmation goes especially too far in doing such, saying all seven are ‘efficacious’ and ‘objective’. The Affirmation itself might have been more modest respecting the vocabularly.
“Seven” councils is not the same kind of attack as this particular wording of seven objective and efficacious sacraments. Jewel makes clear our acceptance of the seventh ecumenical synod through the council of Frankfurt. This isn’t a big deal unless you start taking later councils, especially the fourth Lateran as Lord Robinson has pointed out, and unfortunately this is where ACC is getting its sacrament terminology.
We generally accept as reliable centuries the first five. If folks want to stretch it to six or even ten, I don’t find that too bothersome. However, when we throw out Settlement theology, which was a return to the western patristic tradition, and trade it for papist or late medieval doctrine in an ecumenical move doomed to fail, we have a problem. Stahl did this with ACC C&C, and du Bois did it the Affirmation, both under the encouragement of Mote. The ACC can do better than this.
Unfortunately, the pre-St. Louis continuum must deal with it because it appears we cannot move forward without ACC setting the course. The alternative would be the Bartonville churches– APA, ACA, OAC, etc.,– creating another rally point through their SD, but this remains to be seen.
There is another point we need to keep in mind is the thorough knowledge of the Fathers by the English Reformers. This is most marked in the writings of Cranmer, Parker, Jewel, Becon, et alii. I cannot say if the Continental Reformers had such solid knowledge. One thing that I can say is that there is probably not one man living in the whole of the Continuum that could equal the English Reformers in Patristics. The only man ever in the Continuum to have had such knowledge was Carmine de Catanzaro. His translations of the Syraic Fathers are still standard. So, my word to anyone asserting a particular position is that we all need to know what we’re talking about. Pre-conceived notions won’t cut it, period.
hi Benton, I owe you two answers. One a while back on King James. Now this one. Let me dig up some quotes on the patristic influence coming from across the channel.
Charles! Your criticism of the Acc’s stand for the traditional Anglican Faith is flawed. If anyone is out of kilter, it is those Sects that follow , not the teachings of the Anglican Church of the ages, but of post Stuart times. As one of the post WWII Archbishop of canterbury said,”We have no beliefs that are not shared by the whole church.” One of the beliefs is that of the Councils. When Revelation is talked about, surely the people who received the revelation, ‘once committed to the Saints,’ were the Apostles and the early father. Isn’t this what is meant by the term apostolic succession, a succession not only of Orders, but of the Revealed Faith.
The ACC holds to the ancient beliefs of the Anglican Church and Fathers of the Reformation we can see only too clearly that the Bishops and Synods of the time were quite clear, in 1537.42 and 58 I have already pointed out that the formula adopted by the Henrician Synods was no more than the common continental usage from as far back as Pope Hadrian’s time and was used regularly by early English Councils at Hatfield and so on. At the time of the Early English Reformation, the French Ambassador and the Venetian envoy to England both tell virtually the same tale to their political and religious masters,”Nor do they differ from from those of the Roman Catholic religion save that in England the take an oath to renounce the the doctrine and authority of the pope! ( Barbaro, Patriarch of Aquileia. Cal.S.P. ) But if we look at the immediate Reformation usage we should seek Field’s book, “On the Church,’ there the Dean says clearly, ( of Jurisdiction that the General Councils, (seven) were of the highest level within the Church,”They have supreme power, that is the Bishops assembled in a general Council may interpret scripture and by their authority suppress all them that disobey.”
Dean Saywell an opponent of James II’s Pro Roman policies explained the English Reformation from the view point of these same seven councils. These fathers of the later Reformation were followed by the Bishops of the Stuart Church, Laud,Bramhall , Taylor along with Thorndyke the Interregnum theologian with Hammond and the Non Jurors such as Brett and Jeremy Collier!
To leave this road trod at so much cost by our fathers and their successors would be an abandonment of our history and tradition, we would not be Anglicans, but neo Anglicans.
By your favour,
James.
.
“the Affirmation and 39 articles can’t be equally maintained without equivocating or modifying one of the two. Here’s my actually criticism of the St. Louis. Let me know what you think”.
According to Kydd and others of his era, High Churchmen all, the 39 Articles do not hold the same authority as the Seven Councils and these articles should be viewed through the, ‘prism,’ of the Seven Councils.
James.
“these articles should be viewed through the, ‘prism,’ of the Seven Councils.”
What does that mean, exactly? Please be specific.
It appears that some of the differences of opinion on these matters arise from an unfamiliarity with primary sources.
For instance, the above misquote of Dr. Fields, see “Of the Church” book V chapter XLVIII, was refuted by him in the third part of the Appendix to “Of the Church”, see volume IV page 518 of the 1847 Cambridge edition.
It is manifestly evident by his own words that Dr. Fields did not regard any council after the departure of the Ethiopians and Armenians as a general council in the sense in question.
Can one imagine that much of the enormities that preceded the drafting of the ACC C&C would have ever been had such original sources been readily available to Americans prior to the advent of the internet?
Hello High Churchman,
The preface to the 1536 Ten Articles gives four criteria for doctrine, these being scripture, creed, convocation, and finally antiquity. In fact, the articles are presupposed as resting upon the faith of the “whole church”. Regarding antiquity the Articles say,
Interestingly, the last council on Henry’s list, Chalcedon, was closed by 451 or 453 once Pope Leo received its canons. A boundary line for ‘sure orthodoxy’ (without dispute) apparently ends after the fourth universal council in the fifth century. So, we have this idea of “reliable centuries”. Cosin says of the early church,
What doctrine might be received afterwards depends on Henry’s last clause, ’consonant to the same’. John Cosin also says of later councils, “The later ecumenical councils (i.e., the fifth, sixth, and seventh) are affirmed as orthodox to the degree that they are consistent with, while adding nothing to, the substance of dogma defined by the first four.”
I have read this clause in many places elsewhere, but have yet to find Anglican divinity providing for times after the seventh century. Anglicans typically are skeptical about the late-antique and medieval doctrine, generally not keeping post-patristic thought without applying a little scrutiny.
So, this is the context of “not departing from anything” and “agreeing with the whole church”, etc.. The fact is Anglicans did depart from deformations in medieval Roman Catholic teaching upon the outset. Claiming ‘seven councils and seven sacraments’ to be a universal witness somewhat skims over the reality that:
1. the full reception of the seventh council remains in question. Anglicans and Orthodoxy do not agree on a) realism in the icons; b) how to reverence images. The prism of which you beg is really the earliest four councils which happen to be summed by the first five articles of the 39.
2. the exact enumeration of sacraments as “seven” is a medieval development, and while we might be charitable about the number, the question is finally a matter of definition. However, Anglican divinity does not define the lesser sacraments as “objective” and “efficacious” or signs of the new covenant as does the St. Louis Affirmation.
I don’t believe the St. Louis Affirmation is the best statement of catholic faith for Anglicans since it opens doors to questionable post-patristic thought. I much prefer the 39 articles, BCP, and homilies backed with a strong Solemn Declaration or the Quadrilateral over the poorly worded principles dotted in the Affirmation. A favorite Solemn Declaration is the APA’s which says, “the spirit of the Affirmation of St. Louis of 1977″. Also, please recognize the continuing church existed prior to the Chamber consecrations by at least a decade, e.g., the AEC in 1968 and AOC in 1964.
I’m not sure what what ancient faith you’r talking about?”
I’m talking about that faith which is mentioned in Jude and stems from the Revelation of Christ and is recorded in Scripture, it being interpretated by the Holy fathers in Council. (The Seven Ecumenical Councils.)
I agree that the the Authority of the Councils and the 39 Articles do not mix well together, but the authority of the Seven Councils are of some 1200 years at least and are the product of the whole Catholic Church, if only by their acceptance! The Articles are the product of some two provinces of that same church and designed to counter the antics of the wild men, of both left and right. Being of recent provenance and designed as barriers beyond which the weaker, if wilfull bretheren must not go! This is what I was taught in the 1940′s of the last century in a Parish Church which was famed in its day as a classical ,’High Church,’. For myself I have not found it out of kilter with historical teaching! Also, whilst there are many individuals who have cried out against the idea of the Seven Councils, or at the most, damned them with faint praise, at no time that I can see has the Anglican Church has ever denied them, the Seven Councils, through its Synods or Convocations, not even under the Hannoverian dead hand.
Anonymous!
I regret Field’s change of mind even more than my errors, I do accept your comments, but my copy is electronic and the machine has frozen. However within the discussion, my error is of no consequence,, Field at no time has denied the seven councils, which are at the base of the discussion.
I disagree with your suggestion that Field, ‘Did not regard any council after the departure of the Ethiopeans and Armenians as a general council , you will have to explain , at the very least!
Caedmon!
I assume that it means that the 39 Articles being the outcome of local synods and dealing with local problems have not the same authority as the Ecumenical Councils of the First thousand years. These Councils are the product of the Ecumenical Bench of Bishops and have been accepted by the Universal Church.
To all, I must apologise for the late replies! I have been ill.
Hello High Churchman,
Hardwick would disagree about the greater validity of ecumenical vs. provincial councils, vindicating perhaps the 1562 convocation as well as older, regional ones like the council of frankfurt. Both convocations were legitimate means of resolving error of the larger church. I already quoted Hardwick’s general, subsidarian idea, but here’s the full section wherein Hardwick quotes Laud in defense of lesser or particular councils:
In conference, section 24, Laud reiterates the right of provincial synods over ecumenical under the following circumstances:
Laud quotes continues, uninterrupted touching the interesting question of the 39 articles as part of a ‘positive confession’:
This takes us to Jewel’s Defense, where, in part VI, the right of provincial council for the reform of the church is similarly pressed:
Jewel then questions the necessity of general councils when tempered against urgent reform of the church. Jewel says:
So, the reform of the church does not always demand a general council anymore than it does the Pope’s command. Jewel’s appeal, like Luther and other medieval concilarists, is to wider Christian society, especially the dignity of Kings. Jewel says, “some will say, these things ought not to have been attempted without the Bishop of Rome’s commandment, forsomuch as he only is the knot and band of Christian society.” (p.72) Of course, the head of Christian society in the national sense is the Crown,
Jewel concludes the Defense:
I don’t see the reason to dismiss the 39 articles. According to Jewel, they can be perfectly catholic. The convocation of York and Canterbury by the Crown was the political basis for the 39 articles and Settlement in general. Meanwhile, the seventh council appears outside the normal bound of reliable centuries; it being a gathering of the Eastern church. Agreement to it is highly conditioned by such mediators like the Council of Frankfurt, which our homilies endorse, rather than Pope Adrian. Usually in charity Anglicans have stretched reliable centuries, but rarely past the sixth century. If the seventh council is recognized, it is by a qualified reception, usually with the clause ‘consonant with the same’, or sometimes, ‘agreeable with scripture’. This later phrase is not unknown to Anglican divinty. Both Cranmer and Taylor made the exceptions. In his proposed Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, Cranmer said,
In much the same vein as article 21, when absent the Word and Holy Ghost, Cranmer admits councils may error:
“For it is most obvious clear that some councils have occasionally erred, and defined things which are contrary to each other, partly in [our legal] actions and partly even in faith. Therefore the councils are to be studied with honour and Christian reverence, but at the same time they are to be tested against the godly, certain and right rule of the Scriptures.”
You may read Taylor’s opinion on the same when councils are expressly contrary to scripture.
However, the problem with the Affirmation is not the seventh council (which can be qualified through Frankfurt/Charlemagne) but alleging the seven sacraments are each ‘objective’ and ‘efficacious’. This is wild language. I am not entirely contrary to 7/7 given correct qualifications are affixed. We can say there are many sacraments, but only two gospel sacraments. Nonetheless, seven sacraments is a medieval enumeration unknown to the primitive church, so says lauded Anglo-catholic divines like Andrewes and Cosin:
Andrewes writing from Responsio ad Bellarminum: “For more than a thousand years the number of seven sacraments was never heard of. How, then, can the belief in Seven Sacraments be Catholic, which means, always believed? (p. 31, Old Anglicanism)
Cosin from Notes on the Office of Holy Communion: “The Papal invention that there are neither more nor less than seven sacraments properly so called, and that that must be held as part of the Catholic faith, was certainly unknown to the ancient Church and unheard of. For if it had been received formerly in the Church some one of the Fathers would have expressed it in his writing, but not one out of so many has confirmed by his authority the sevenfold number of the Sacraments. That opinion did not prevail before Hugo de St. Victor and Peter Lombard, and there is no Council earlier than that of Florence in which this sevenfold number has sanctioned, AD 1439. These are the fine monuments of antiquity by which this cause is defended by the Papists against our Church.’ (p. 117, Old Anglicanism)
The APA Solemn Declaration better deals with the Affirmation by asking us to respect “the spirit of the Affirmation”, reading it in a nominal way. This goes back to a time when the APA had a stronger identity with 1968 rather than 1976.